The following piece by New York-based novelist, essayist, and activist Nancy Kricorian will be published in the upcoming anthology This Is Not a Border: Reportage and Reflection from the Palestine Festival of Literature.

A ceramics shop in the Armenian Quarter (Photo: JHistory)

***

G tells me that a few months after the Israelis conquered East Jerusalem, he asked his father what he thought life would be like; would it be better or worse than under the Ottomans, the British, or the Jordanians, all of whom his father had known? The old man told him that only the week before, an American Jewish dentist had offered free dental care to all the kindergarten children at the Holy Translators School. They can’t be all bad, his father said, if they want to look after our children’s teeth.

Later G met the dentist himself, and thanked him for his good offices. Yes, the dentist said, there was some discussion in the upper echelons of the Israeli government about whether the Armenians had intermarried with the Arabs. I went, he said, to inspect the children’s teeth—you can tell from the jaw structure—and I was able to report that the Armenians were 100% pure.

*

B, a priest I meet at a church supper in Virginia during my book tour, tells me that when he was a seminarian in Jerusalem in the early 70’s, the Haredi Jews spat on the Armenian priests on a daily basis – and on the seminary students. He says: “One day I just got fed up with it. I called the other seminarians together—there were five of us—and we agreed that we’d undo our belts and keep the belts and our hands inside our cassocks. We walked out of the church and a man spat on us, and we pulled out our belts and gave him a thrashing. It might not have been the Christian thing to do, but I was young then and it was satisfying.

I say to B they still spit on the priests on a daily basis in the Armenian Quarter. Yes, he tells me, I know. I couldn’t stay there. I might have risen higher in the church if I had stayed, and the spitting I could have learned to tolerate, but watching the way they degraded the Palestinians was too much for me.

*

N says that everything is a problem in the Armenian Quarter. Getting a building permit is a problem. Having a regular travel document is a problem. Even finding a place to park your car is a problem.

The Patriarch signed a 99-year-lease with an Israeli company that wanted to build a parking lot on Armenian Patriarchate land, she says. They built the parking lot, and we could park there—although we had to pay more than the Israelis did. And then one day they decided it was a “Jews Only” parking lot, and we could no longer park there because we’re Armenian even though it was on land belonging to the Armenian Church.

N says, They don’t want us here, that’s clear. They want the churches, they want the houses, the land, and they want the money from the Christian pilgrims and tourists. I think ideally they would like all the Christians to disappear, and then Jews could dress up as Christians like characters in Disney World.

*

K’s family has been in Jerusalem for several generations. He outlines their entire trajectory—where his grandparents lived when they first arrived after the Genocide, where they took their children during the war in 1948, the house they returned to in 1950, how they managed in 1967, and how they live today with ever greater difficulty.  K says, Just because I’m Armenian doesn’t mean that I’m treated differently from other Palestinians. I think of myself as a Palestinian who is an ethnic Armenian. We breathe the same tear gas.

*

It takes some prodding, but S, the owner of a ceramics shop, finally tells me what he thinks of the occupation. They are chopping us like salad, he says. Everyone who has any means is leaving. They are slicing us like salami. First Gaza, then the West Bank. We are only hoping the machine breaks down before they get to us.

***

The cover of This Is Not a Border (Photo: Bloomsbury USA)

The Palestine Festival of Literature was established in 2008 by authors Ahdaf Soueif, Brigid Keenan, Victoria Brittain, and Omar Robert Hamilton. Bringing writers to Palestine from all corners of the globe, it aimed to break the cultural siege imposed by the Israeli military occupation, to strengthen artistic links with the rest of the world, and to reaffirm, in the words of Edward Said, “the power of culture over the culture of power.”

Celebrating the tenth anniversary of PalFest, This Is Not a Border is a collection of essays, poems, and sketches from some of the world’s most distinguished artists, responding to their experiences at this unique festival. Both heartbreaking and hopeful, their gathered work is a testament to the power of literature to promote solidarity and hope in the most desperate of situations.

From the Armenian Weekly 2017 Magazine Dedicated to the 102nd Anniversary of the Armenian Genocide

Did the USSR Really Lose the Cold War? Maybe as a Whole, but Some Have Turned Loss into Staggering Advantage and Profit. Now It’s Time They Pay for the Damage They Have Done—and Are Doing—Before It’s Too Late.

Beyond History

In addition to other topics and audiences, I speak somewhat frequently on the legacy of the Armenian Genocide to and with primarily Armenian audiences in the United States and around the world. Quite often, community members and even academics assume I am a historian. I have to correct them—at least when I have the opportunity. I don’t mean to suggest that I am insulted by being considered a historian, but as I tell people, that’s just not what I do. Now that I am more recognized for work on reparations, the misidentification sometimes shifts to assuming I am a lawyer or legal scholar. Again, the correction.

It is interesting that, despite the corrections, some interlocutors still go on to ask me about historical points that are not specifically related to my work or ask for legal strategies and even advice about particular individual lawsuit possibilities for thieved Armenian property. Again, there is no insult intended, but at these times I feel almost as if we are speaking different languages and simply cannot understand each other.

Graffiti on the streets of Beirut, Lebanon (Photo: Ted Swedenburg)

I am not an “academic nationalist,” in viewing my discipline of philosophy as the most significant of intellectual pursuits. Sure, the physical and social science disciplines, as well as aesthetic theory, law as an academic area, political thought, theology, and more, started within the discipline of philosophy, where their foundations remain. Certainly, philosophy students routinely have among the highest averages for standardized testing, examined by discipline. But intellectual pursuits are fundamentally complementary, despite the ways that disciplines are pitted against one another for scarce resources and the political attack on humanities and creative arts today. There quite simply is not science without philosophy (both ethics and metaphysics), no philosophy without history, and so on—or at least no point to doing these things in isolation from the fullness of human existence as registered across the gamut of scholarly pursuits. But, just as historical research is essential to Armenian studies, so is philosophical inquiry, even if this is generally unrecognized.

History is important, especially when past harms are central to the conditions of the present. Indeed, ignoring history is not just a recipe for that well-worn idea of repeating it, but much more importantly history is never history: History is the present; that is, it is what determined the tensions and problems and challenges of the present. Ignoring history in favor of focus on the present renders one incapable of understanding the present. Historians figure out—often through fascinating detective adventures—what happened and try to understand why it happened and how different events and trends are related and interconnected. In their philosophical dimension, they help us understand why certain views of history are more accurate than others, and even the criteria and methods we should use to make such judgments. Their task and skillset, however, does not extend to deciding what should be done about the legacies of that history. That does not mean that historians do not speculate in these areas, much as I might about historical matters; it does, however, mean that they typically lack the conceptual expertise necessary to engage this matter in its full depth and complexity, to understand for instance all the possible objections and underlying/internal tensions that exist within what might appear to be simple notions such as “reparations,” in the same way that I might not understand the complex set of documents relevant to a specific historical incident in 1915. I need an expert to lead me through the process.

Similarly, legal analysis can be very important when considering the practicalities related to the legacy of a genocide. Legal experts help us understand what is possible within the law. The innovative among them figure out ways to push the given boundaries of law in new directions toward greater justice. But, legal scholars are always as players in a game: The board or field and the rules are set and determine what can and cannot be done. Certainly the rules can be revised or even violated in some cases, but the basic play is determined by the physical setup and the rules. Thus, law is great for thinking within a given set of constraints, but it is only when a lawyer abandons law that the lawyer opens up the possibility of genuine system transformation.

History is important, especially when past harms are central to the conditions of the present. Indeed, ignoring history is not just a recipe for that well-worn idea of repeating it, but much more importantly history is never history: History is the present; that is, it is what determined the tensions and problems and challenges of the present. Ignoring history in favor of focus on the present renders one incapable of understanding the present.

The very point of philosophy, on the other hand, is to identify and comprehend grounding limits, critically engage them, and creatively rebel against all such constraints. It does not determine whether a certain approach to reparations will work within the existing legal framework, but whether that framework itself is adequate to the problem of genocide and, if not, what should replace it. Philosophy even allows the fundamental question of whether genocide is best understood as a crime, or if that imposes limits on comprehending it fully and addressing it adequately and appropriately. Philosophy does not determine whether this or that claim about the past is true or supported by the facts, but rather what it means to be “true,” what criteria are appropriate for such a judgment, and whether this or that particular assertion or judgment should have a claim on our attention or not—and perhaps most importantly, if something should be done about the legacy of the historical event, and what. At our present historical moment, indeed, the question is no longer, “Did the genocide happen?” (that is, proving it against denial) or “What happened?” or even “Why did it happen?” The questions are “What does it mean now?” and “What should be done about it now?”

This suggests something interesting regarding the debate that started about a decade ago among genocide scholars about whether those studying this form of violence should function as disinterested analysts or engage their object of study as concerned human beings. Historians, for instance, advocating the former position rightly point to the ways that victim groups sometimes and, to a much greater extent, perpetrator groups almost always seek to manipulate history—whether they warp history into inaccuracy or employ facts in a dubiously politicized way. But they miss a crucial bias on their own part. They consider this issue only from the perspective of historians seeking accurate representations of past events. Clearly, including in one’s very historiographic method ethical and political concerns is tricky at best and typically leads to compromised work. But ethical and political analysis is the very heart of some aspects of philosophy. Far from compromising such work, it is the work itself. Philosophers take ethical positions, for instance, and argue for them. That does not mean that bias is not a potential problem, when it causes poor arguments. But poor arguments are often found out and criticized as part of an overarching process of reflection on and analysis of a given issue. For a philosopher, to ignore the ethical dimensions, for example, of a historical issue is inexcusable intellectual negligence. Of course, historians should not be required to be ethically neutral about what they study, so long as their historiographic methodologies are not influenced by their orientations—that is, an orientation toward the relevant history is kept properly bracketed from the research into the facts. On the other hand, it is crucial for philosophers to take positions after careful study of an issue. Bias comes in, of course, when a philosopher simplifies an issue or ignores objections to his/her/their position in order to advance a particular viewpoint as stronger than it actually is.

The advocates of disinterest are inadvertently falling into a trap set by politically repressive forces in our world today. Whatever the ideological and practical differences among various countries at least in North and South America, Europe, Australia, and much of Africa and Asia, one trend that has taken increasing hold over the past decade has been the devaluing of the humanities and creative arts. It would be easy to dismiss this as the function of a growing level of intellectual inability among much of the world’s population, as personal mental activity is now shaped by the stunting, even debilitating, structures of communication imposed on us through the supposedly liberatory new media made possible by the internet—the constraining of analysis into 140 characters, for instance (on this issue, I am indebted to my student Ryan Lindsay for his excellent research on the “Inhibition of Nuance in a ‘Fast-Food Facts’ World”). As Lindsay emphasizes, this compression of the realm of thought explains why people as receivers of ideas and information are accepting poorer and poorer ideas and analyses. To it, we need to add a further dimension: intentionality. Those in positions of power the world over—and this means the relative elites within different power structures, from prime ministers and legislators (think of comments by U.S. presidential candidate Ted Cruz about the study of philosophy) to (some) university administrators and media personalities—react so strongly against philosophy and the humanities and creative arts more broadly not, as they might self-delude, because they objectively judge them to be relatively valueless, but because either (1) in their realm of reduced thought they simply do not understand what they do and thus cannot even perceive their tremendous value or (2) they experience work in these areas again and again as critical perspectives that expose the weaknesses of their agendas and their efforts to gain popular support for their ideas. The clever among them—often with philosophical training themselves—understand exactly the danger posed by well-considered, intellectually grounded challenges to the general population to think uncompromisingly critically about those things that appear the most certain and simple, and attempt to crush principled opposition with full awareness of what they are doing. The majority are victims of the denigration and marginalization of philosophically critical thinking and push others into the same exclusion from and loss of anti-analytical confusion, by erecting obstacles to meaningful education. Instead of appreciating the opportunity for progress that thoughtfully, responsibly innovatively discordant ideas provide, they typically react with a jejune naked imposition of power (from jailing dissidents to cutting departments) against reason and progressive creativity. For them, justice is truly the will of the stronger, as they view themselves as unfairly attacked precisely because they refuse to understand the fairness of the criticisms in what they perceive as a (mere) power struggle against inferiors (because only power shows in their mental framework, not reasonable arguments and evidence). They have the power, and assert it. Indeed, as a colleague of mine has so astutely commented, some seem to take pleasure in vanquishing reason through an irrational assertion of power, as this demonstrates a godlike effectiveness against the very metaphysical/rational structure of the universe.

I don’t mean to suggest that all academics are victims in these ways or to equate losing one’s academic job with being imprisoned for one’s political views, even as these are tending to converge in today’s Turkey with the dismissal of many professors and detentions of some. On the contrary, administrators are typically former professors and many fields and departments—philosophy foremost among them—have made themselves irrelevant by retreating into childish academic ego contests and feuds and embracing a positively medieval system of patronage centered in Ivy League and other elite institutions that resists challenging innovation and relentlessly buttresses the political, ethical, cultural, and social status quo by tying the personal identities of participants into the perverse status system that an astute anthropologist might liken to a high school-level culture of cliques.

The Armenian and the Universal

The first point to take from this opening analysis is a general one: In our tech-oriented, childish global culture, genuine intellectual independence, critique, and innovation that are the hallmark of philosophy and the humanities and creative arts more broadly, when done well, are not only marginalized in popular discourse but eliminated from curricula based on the circular argument that those who have not benefitted from this type of education and who have been told that time spent on it is at best wasted and at worst detrimental to future financial stability, are not interested in studying in such areas. The result is that societies have lost the capacity to engage in genuine social, political, ethical, and cultural progress because the very functionality of doing this kind of activity have been reduced or eliminated. Of course, some people struggle to do this work against the nearly overwhelming opposition to it. And some hint of this persists, as students are inundated with “critical thinking” training, while our societies again and again are told how self-critical we in fact are and how advanced, to boot. Without true critical abilities that are produced by more than such facile shadows of it, few are in the position to see the ideological frames and outright propaganda inundating us for what they are. One might go so far as to view the proliferation of “critical thinking” as having reduced it to a mechanical, formulaic exercise that undermines what it is supposed to promote.

The second is specifically Armenian. Two decades ago, I made an observation and called for an intellectual approach to Armenian studies that fell on deaf ears. Perhaps it is not worthy of significant attention, yet it does seem relevant to the issue I am raising here. Armenian studies has generally treated Armenian identity, history, creative work, etc., as an object of study. Whatever respect scholars might show this object, the academic engagement nevertheless renders Armenian things objects, passive in the face of study of them. Even art history before some more recent developments by certain innovative scholars treated Armenian artistic creation as a dead husk to be reproduced and essayed about but never to be a dynamic, evolving, living tradition in the present and for the future. As a result of these approaches, Armenian identity became something given in its fully developed form from the past, with the task in the present at best mere preservation. Even as artists, filmmakers, and writers have actually remade and created new forms of identity and life, the focus has remained the past as finished history. One could speculate a great deal about why—a wounded, weakened people latching on to former glory, a moribund political scene determined by a static Cold War, etc.—but that is not the issue here. My concern is that Armenian identity, culture, political life, etc., have been rendered passive even when there has been evidence of activity. While, for instance, certain writers, filmmakers, and artists looked at the world in part through Armenian eyes and established and elaborated an Armenian consciousness and Armenian perspective—or, more accurately, Armenian consciousnesses and Armenian perspectives—our scholars too often presented Armenia to the world through the same old tired Western or Eastern lens. Armenia was an object, not a consciousness, not a perspective, not a framework through which and the basis of which to engage the world.

The impact of this has not been noted but is of the greatest profundity. Today, particularly in political, military, and legal contexts (though not in literary, cinematic, or artistic ones), Armenian activities are largely derivative. A look at the Armenian Republic and its governance reveals the farthest thing from innovation, despite grassroots efforts at inventive progress. Armenia and its power structures sadly mimic standard post-colonial societies of the post-Soviet type and beyond. Its oligarchs are pale imitations of Putin and his cronies, its leaders are the same authoritarians that are such old hats around the post-colonial world, its economy features the same kind of debilitating corrupt parasitism that has marked many societies across the globe since the mid-20th century and before, and on and on. In a moment of cynicism, one might even wonder whether Armenia’s leaders are intentionally following a Turkish political model, with the exception of silence on a genocide. Lest one dismiss this as the result of Sovietization, a look at Armenian organizations around the world reveals the same kind of imitative mimicry. There are notable exceptions, of course, which I will not list here because I do not want to taint them through association with what is surely to be condemned by regressive forces in what I am writing here. But organization after organization follows the standard NGO (non-governmental organization) or charitable or religious model, in which wealthy dilettantes and egotists invest their resources in order to see their names on letterhead and be invited to meaningless meetings with celebrities and government officials, so they can adorn their walls with photographs announcing their own importance and relevance. Personalities and wealth, not commitment and insight, dominate the scene for Armenians, as they do for group after group after group across the world’s minorities and majorities. Internal infighting and inter-organizational conflict of the most mundane forms mar the public presence of political, cultural, and educational institutions. Millions are given for the institution of Armenian Studies university chairs, only a small percentage of which have produced anything of significance and that are attempts by Armenians to gain academic legitimacy for study of Armenian things in the most blandly traditional ways. The most known Armenian celebrities are vacuous jokes who enact the banal forms of desperate notoriety-seeking and public personas. They are Armenian by descent, but nothing in their actions or words suggests any kind of truly Armenian consciousness. I could go on, but have probably alienated a sufficient number of people in the Armenian community already. My objective is not to do so, but rather to expose the root of the failure of Armenian identity, scholarship, politics, and more.

A look at the Armenian Republic and its governance reveals the farthest thing from innovation, despite grassroots efforts at inventive progress. Armenia and its power structures sadly mimic standard post-colonial societies of the post-Soviet type and beyond. Its oligarchs are pale imitations of Putin and his cronies, its leaders are the same authoritarians that are such old hats around the post-colonial world, its economy features the same kind of debilitating corrupt parasitism that has marked many societies across the globe since the mid-20th century and before, and on and on.

There are exceptions, of course. For all of the Armenian political action that fits within the safe framework of tame electoral politics, there are groups and individuals who reject this politics as part of the very force oppressing Armenians and seek alternative political, intellectual, and artistic forms and futures. As a journalist and activist, David Barsamian has been at the center of left progressive politics in the United States and globally for decades, creating new forms of political consciousness and activity in the space he has helped carve out. System of a Down took various elements of music, from punk and metal to Armenian folk forms, broke all of it down into a range of components, and reworked and recreated them to produce a clearly Armenian (in lyrics and music) yet global form of music that shattered old boundaries and is widely imitated. Atom Egoyan refused to treat the Armenian Genocide through a direct and simple reaction to denial, but instead pushed the issue of denial and the meaning of historical events for present-day people in new directions unexplored before in the Armenian community and beyond it. His innovations changed cinema itself in ways that have yet to be fully tapped, even as these innovations challenged Armenians and others to relate to their history and social conflicts in new ways. Scout Tufankjian has merged subject and object to create a new Armenian framework (her camera’s eye) through which to see the world that at the same time celebrates and advances a complex, ever-emerging, never fixed, multivalent Armenian identity. In her work, the no-longer-objectified Armenian object becomes agent. Chris Bohjalian has created a new framework for presenting the Armenian Genocide, through the lens of personal, human characters embedded in everyday lives yet with complex identities and relations across difference. He has provided a new kind of consciousness of the genocide that resonates both with Armenians and with the vast number of non-Armenian readers he has across the globe. Eric Nazarian likewise is opening up a new conceptualization of the Armenian-Turkish relationship, mediated through both an engagement of history and a material object that cannot simply be ignored or put aside, and in its persistence is embraced as itself an instrument (in both senses) of reworked sensibilities and relationship. Through poetry, history, and memoir, Peter Balakian crafted a new sensibility that calls attention to the ways in which Armenian issues and identity have long suffused American and universal experiences. In his complex hybridity, he is neither a typical Armenian nor a typical American poet, but something richer, flowing between worlds in a manner that recognizes and forges connections along lines of human rights concern. In this way, he has become a celebrated Armenian and American voice, pushing both toward a new kind of inclusivity. The importance of that voice has been recognized with the highest literary award given in the U.S.—which, combined with his profound and committed human rights activism, has propelled him to likely future consideration for a Nobel Prize in Literature.

And there is Arshile Gorky—the purest example. As art innovative historian Kim Theriault has demonstrated—against previous Orientalist dismissals of the relevance of Gorky’s experience of the Armenian Genocide and dislocation as refugee emigrant from his homeland, traumatized by the genocide—Gorky drew on both Armenian artistic styles and methods and the most inventive in Surrealism and other movements of the global art scene, to create for himself and the world an entirely new movement in art, a leap to pure abstraction linked intimately to deep internal emotional life. Pain, hope, despair, and nostalgia became color and form, and the internal suffering and jouissance expressed in the very nature of his painting, in a way Nietzsche heralded and would have envied. Through him, Armenian art went from an object of specialized historical study to a living production of the most universal appeal that continues to infuse the art world even today. (In doing this, it must be noted that, against the inertia of and resistance in her field, Theriault herself developed a different methodology for art history itself, further Armenian intellectual agency that helped rescue Gorky from a flattening identity erasure that reduced out of his art its multidimensional Armenian core.)

The Need for Reparations for the Armenian Genocide

It is bad enough that Armenian politics are largely derivative, but that they replicate extensively some of the most negative tendencies of corruption, post-colonial/post-Soviet authoritarianism, cronyism/nepotism, ineffectual electorialism, etc., renders the lack of originality profoundly harmful. I have argued that the challenges currently facing the Armenian Republic, the Artsakh Republic, and the global Armenian Diaspora are heavily determined by the harms done through the 1915 genocide and related mass violence and discrimination against Armenians before and after. The devastating demographic destruction that has resulted in a much smaller share of the regional and global population, along with the territorial losses and massive economic expropriation of virtually all Armenian resources in the Ottoman Empire, as well as the traumatic impacts of the violence and loss, dispersion and family destruction, pressure on identity requiring great effort to maintain, and other aspects of the genocide, have left Armenians a small, weakened, marginalized group politically, geographically, and in terms of identity.

For instance, the poverty in Armenia today as well as the great drain of resources required just to preserve some semblance of Armenian identity throughout the diaspora can be traced back to the massive wealth stolen through the genocide, from factories and farms to shoes and kitchen pots and pans. What is more, Turkey’s aggressive approach to Armenia and Armenians manifests the enduring mentality embedded in its culture and political, social, and military institutions and practices, and is all the more effective because of the tremendous resources Turkey has built on the pilfered belongings and assets of Armenians (and Greeks and Assyrians), which were, according to respected analysts, the basis of the entire economy of the Turkish Republic from its origins and the continuing lack of accountability in the international legal and political realms. As much as Armenia and Armenians have been debilitated by the genocide, that much Turkey has gained—and in terms of wealth and power has seemingly endless reserves to use against Armenians.

Given this, reparations are clearly just. What is more, they are absolutely necessary if Armenian identity, culture, and statehood is going to survive in a meaningful way into the future. Unfortunately, the trend for Armenia is not positive. The lack of economic infrastructure and resources, the restricted territory in size and land-locked location, the hostility of Turkey and Azerbaijan, the vassalage to Russia and manipulation by the United States and the European Union, and the general insecurity of Armenia in military, economic, and political terms have driven massive emigration that has cut in half the pre-Soviet-collapse population of almost 4 million and threatens the very existence of Armenia as a viable state. Without substantial, meaningful repair that includes territory (needed for food production, sea access, and other foundations of a viable country) and other economic resources, it is an open question whether a genuinely independent Armenia will exist in 50 years, or whether it will be de facto incorporated into some other state such as Russia. If the genocide is long over, its effects are still far from finished playing out. The final impact of the genocide might still take decades to be consolidated, as the survival of Armenians as an identity group and Armenia as a political entity hang in the balance.

From Imitative Corruption to Transformative Repair: A Last Hope

To say that genocide reparations are necessary for the survival of Armenians as a people and Armenia as a political entity is not to claim that they are sufficient. The genocide is not the only challenge. The legacy of the Soviet Union and its compounding impact on the 1991 republic are substantial and must be addressed as well. There are two dimensions that must be confronted.

Members of the Soviet 11th Red Army marching down Yerevan’s Abovyan Boulevard, effectively ending Armenian self-rule.

First, as discussed in “Resolution with Justice,” the report of the Armenian Genocide Reparations Study Group that I chaired, there are significant questions about the concrete implementation of a reparations process. How and to whom would reparations be made? How would awarded material reparations be used to support the redevelopment of the entire Armenian nation? And so on.

One central problem to be faced was that of the Armenian government itself. Given the rampant corruption through which an obscene elite class of the super-rich has gorged itself on the lifeblood of the masses and pushed a large percentage of the population into often abject poverty, could the government and other elites be trusted with even a significant part of, let alone sole, leadership in such a process? Their unfolding legacy is, after all, a thriving industry in the trafficking of women and girls into sexual slavery; an all too frequent disregard for and active repression of human rights, from violence against peaceful political protesters to tacit consent to widespread domestic violence and active support for brutal oppression of the LGBT community; and a bureaucratic rigidity and narrow-sightedness that has prevented the government from such basic things as developing an active international political campaign to explain the Karabagh “conflict” as in fact a massive human rights violation against Armenians culminating from a century-long effort to erase the Armenian presence in this homeland. It is telling that, despite strong oppositions between different presidents and those associated with them, in these regards the results of their exploitative and extractive activities have been so similar that it is quite appropriate to count the government since 1991 as a single regime. Even where the government and other elites do support an appropriate approach to the legacy of the genocide, their propagandistic and authoritarian tendencies might well undermine the positive impacts of an educational and commemorative process in Armenia, Turkey, and beyond.

And, in the same manner as characteristic of world leaders and cronies who have enriched themselves by skimming foreign aid to their countries—Suharto of Indonesia is a well-known example but far from alone—one would have to be naïve to believe that Armenia’s political elite, regardless of party affiliation, and oligarchs and their minions, will not enrich themselves on the resources coming in that should be used for and are desperately needed by the general population. Unless Armenia changes fundamentally and establishes a genuinely democratic, open, ethical government and political structure, reparations, far from supporting long-term viability for the republic and global diaspora, are likely not just to further enrich the corrupt leeches dominating Armenia today, but in fact to extend their power and advantage over the bulk of the population—that is, to make things yet worse in Armenia, giving a whole new meaning to the criticism of irresponsible reparations as “blood money.”

To say that genocide reparations are necessary for the survival of Armenians as a people and Armenia as a political entity is not to claim that they are sufficient. The genocide is not the only challenge. The legacy of the Soviet Union and its compounding impact on the 1991 republic are substantial and must be addressed as well.

How can we see the genocide as anything but extended in its effects if territory returned is appropriated by the oligarchs and political elites? For average Armenians, what would the difference be between the situation now, with lands under Turkish control, and lands controlled by a class of cynical exploiters and destroyers whose continued existence is arguably the greatest immediate threat facing the general population of Armenia today? Just because the new lords’ names end in “yan” does not mean that these lands will have truly been returned to Armenians and Armenia.

What is more, even a substantial reparations package that includes territory might not be sufficient to support the survival of Armenians as a people and Armenia as a political entity. Despite the limitations of the Soviet Union, much as Armenians built under the Ottomans, so they built under Moscow. The largescale theft of assets through corruption, “privatization,” and commu-capitalist exploitation of labor (or a hybrid of the three) is a significant factor in the economic vulnerability and desperation of the republic today. By standards of abstract justice and basic need, Armenians who benefited and/or benefit substantially from their use of the Soviet and post-Soviet systems have an obligation to make reparations to provide a basic opportunity for a decent life to the Armenian multitudes who have lost out due to political repression, expropriation of wealth, and exploitation. This includes many if not virtually all political leaders, business leaders, and others besides. While without the slightest prick of conscience they have used Armenia as a vast wealth reserve open to pilfering, their actions are morally deplorable. Indeed, every one of their thefts is a treason.

It is not just those within Armenia who owe reparations. Soviet-era leaders, especially those who have increased their wealth and power since 1991, are just as liable. It is a delusion to think that the United States won the Cold War—or, rather, irrelevant. If the U.S. gained a symbolic victory that sent it desperately in search of a new enemy against which to perpetuate its own dubious economic, political, and military system, the “fall” of the Soviet Union simply swept away the impediments to the power-elite that had emerged in the Soviet Union (organized crime, political bosses, etc.) and whose wealth and power were then being inhibited by the limits allowed in a Soviet system that had at some level to prevent rampant poverty to remain apparently legitimate. In the Soviet era, this class positioned itself with resources, connections, and power to dominate in a zone of economic and political “freedom” from restriction, that is, the post-Soviet vacuum. They won the Cold War, which thus became a war of liberation…for oppressors.

And, they imposed a system—both formal and informal—that retained authoritarian, violent/repressive, and other elements of the Soviet system coupled with a new unfettered, amoral capitalism. This is the system internal to Armenia as well as the neo-colonial domination of Armenia by Russia. This system has been reproducing itself and evolving steadily. Newer generations and those not necessarily part of the Soviet power class have been integrated into it. It is the post-Soviet cleptocratic/plutocratic/authoritarian state and civil society form that must be held accountable and transformed. It is through meaningful reparations and only through meaningful reparations that this is possible. The wealth must be returned, the guilty punished, and the state(s) and society rehabilitated. To leave the state and civil society structures intact will make any redistribution of political participation and economic resources a temporary step to a regression to the existing order or on the path toward a new repressive form.

Contribution of an Armenian Framework

If the foregoing analysis suggests that the situation is desperate, it is. However, in that desperation, as in Gorky’s traumatic suffering, there is great potential. Through genocide and Soviet exploitation and oppression, Armenians in Armenia and around the world have understood a broad range of failed, destructive models of social, economic, and political organization. Perhaps they are starting to realize that no existing political system or conceptual framework has worked or will work in the present age: not liberalism/capitalism, socialism, or any of their variations or distinct challengers. Just as Gorky needed to invent a new form of art, the survival and future well-being of Armenians depends on development of a new post-genocidal concept of national identity and a new economic and political form that can (1) be generated from within a corrupt, oppressive local and global system and (2) address the persisting problems of modernity/post-modernity in general and of post-genocide groups in particular. No post-genocide (or post-colonial, post-Apartheid, post-slave, post-communist as well as neoliberal, patriarchal, etc.) group, let alone a dominant group, has accomplished this, though many have contributed to possible solutions. We need new social and political forms. Out of desperate Armenian need there can come great invention and advance, a true contribution to humanity.

Arshile Gorky. The Liver is the Cock’s Comb (1944), oil on canvas, 73 1⁄4 × 98″ (186 × 249 cm), Albright–Knox Art Gallery, Buffalo, New York.

In the current era, with environmental degradation and resource scarcity approaching crisis levels, with neofascist movements sweeping across the globe in violent waves, with rampant celebrated militarism, humanity as much as any genocide victim group in particular faces a genuine question of survival. Because Armenia as a microcosm faces similar challenges to the world as a whole, generating useful approaches to Armenian problems means contributing to global solutions. For the first time in centuries if not millennia, Armenia and Armenians have a chance to matter in a real manner. Armenians understand the problems intimately. Armenians understand denial in a special way, understand that in the aftermath of mass violence there is another phase of abandonment and ontological, or inertial or entropic, ruin. Armenians understand deterritorialized national identity, which is appropriate for a globalized, shrinking world. These experiences and comprehensions are the foundation of an active, creative Armenian approach to the problems that can be constructed and added to other elements produced by other groups.

Development of an Armenian framework with global implications has already begun, though it remains mostly at the margins of the structures of the republic and diaspora. In the republic, political protestors have opened a space for alternative discourse in the face of 21^st-century repressive apparatuses. In the interstices between organizations, individuals and groups in the diaspora routinely produce new ways of thinking and goals, even if at present they have no means to advance (toward) them concretely. Armenians must bring the margin to the center.

Elements that are already in play include ideas about demilitarizing and denationalizing traditional homeland territories in today’s Turkey depopulated of Armenians through genocide, to allow Armenians full access to the lands for business and residential purposes, with tax benefits going to the republic. While I do not necessarily endorse this approach, it is innovative and addresses complex problems arising from any consideration of territorial reparations for lands occupied by members of the perpetrator group who were not actively involved in perpetration.

Why can’t Armenians also drive a rethinking of political organization of societies toward new forms of participation that transcend the limits of democracy, particularly in the (dis)information age in which democratic elections are easily manipulated and also can reinforce the power of reprehensibly oppressive majorities? Through bitter experience, Armenians have the opportunity to recognize that democracy itself, however progressive, can lead to subjugation unless it is supplemented by additional anti-oppressive features. If the solution is not yet apparent, confirming the potential for a solution is surely an important first step. Instead of intentionally or by default imitating bad neo-liberal or bad post-communist political orders, why not develop and propose new possibilities, even if some will be discarded for bad consequences or their inadequacy for the problems faced. Why can’t Armenians develop a reparative model that can accommodate effectively contemporary social justice issues and the demands of historical justice, a pairing that has long been presented in philosophical, conflict resolution, and other circles as an irreducible dichotomy?

Armenians understand denial in a special way, understand that in the aftermath of mass violence there is another phase of abandonment and ontological, or inertial or entropic, ruin. Armenians understand deterritorialized national identity, which is appropriate for a globalized, shrinking world. These experiences and comprehensions are the foundation of an active, creative Armenian approach to the problems that can be constructed and added to other elements produced by other groups.

And, Armenians are already rethinking the concept of “reparations” itself. Armenian experience shows that it is not just wrong to consider reparations as a return to the status quo ante, as the states previous to genocide contain within them the tendency toward genocide.

A notion of repair that reintegrates victims/victim groups into the prevailing legal, political, economic, and social order is just as faulty. For it is not just the local conditions but the global order that drive genocide and a range of other violences and oppressions of our world. Indeed, the present world order has been largely formed through genocide, slavery, apartheid, aggressive war, colonialism, imperialism, patriarchy and mass violence against women and girls (including in its various demographic implications), and economic exploitation. To help one group to fit back into the system after being victimized by it means simply that other groups will be pushed into the role of victims that the system requires for its functioning. Indeed, reparations can reinforce that system, as wealth is pumped into capitalist projects that result in exploitation and related harms. Reparations must be socially, politically, culturally, and economically transformative, such that the very term must change, perhaps to “progressive, creative, and transformative historical justice.” We might finally be prepared to recognize that repair is the wrong concept, that there is no comfortable previous state nostalgically to return to, and that the burden of victims is not just to receive reparations conceptualized by others but to create a model for what is necessary in the aftermath of genocide, where no accurate model has yet been produced.

Conclusion

Surely, what I have written will rankle many readers. I have not written to be provocative, but to try to open up a permissive space for genuinely free thought. I expect and invite challenges, disagreements, and even condemnations—so long as they do not rely on restatements of stale ideas. Certainly in the republic but perhaps just as much in the diaspora, we lack this space of experimental innovation. If anything is correct in what I have here written, it is that Armenian survival depends on opening that space and using it to its fullest potential. It is perhaps impossible to convince those intent on remaining part of the corrupt, debilitating establishment to give up their self-interested or ideologically-driven commitments. But, at least they can leave Armenians and Armenia to those willing to serve it.

ANCA’s Hamparian: ‘Senator Cardin is Right to Put the Brakes on this Proposed Sale of U.S. Firearms to Turkey’

WASHINGTON (A.W.)— Nearly two weeks following the violent attack against a group of peaceful protesters by the Turkish President’s security detail, the future of the sale of semiautomatic guns handguns to Turkish security forces appears to be in question, reported the New York Times.

A screenshot from a video of the attack by Turkish security forces, captured by Voice of America’s Turkish service (Photo: Voice of America)

The day before the attack against protesters, the U.S. State Department notified Congress of its intention to license the sale of $1.2 million worth of semiautomatic handguns to the security forces. However, with all the outrage that has erupted among American lawmakers and a continuing investigation by the State Department since the May 16 incident, things have the potential to take a turn.

Senior lawmakers on Capitol Hill have showed sign of resistance that may delay the transaction.

State Department documents show that the U.S. government would authorize Sig Sauer, the New Hampshire based firearms maker, to sell some 1,600 semiautomatic pistols to a Turkish government controlled intermediary, which in turn would sell them to the agency responsible for protecting the President. The State Department has declined to comment on the proposed sale.

The attack against the protestors has presented the State Department with an awkward situation, as it attempts to find a balance with geopolitical interests and domestic issues while coordinating a response. American lawmakers have demanded the guards be held accountable, while Turkey, a NATO ally has denied the guards’ role in the incident. Senator John McCain (R-Ariz.) has even called for the expulsion of the Turkish Ambassador to the U.S.

Under the Arms Export Control Act, the State Department must approve of all weapons exports and is required to notify leaders of the House and Senate Foreign Affairs Committees if the proposed sales exceed monetary limits.

In this case, the department gave the congressional leaders informal notification of the proposed sale on May 15, said the New York Times report.

Just days after the brawl, Senator Ben Cardin of Maryland, the top Democrat on the Foreign Relations Committee, wrote to the department expressing concern about the sale. According to his spokesperson, the State Department never replied.

Given Cardin’s prominence, and the attention the attack has received on Capitol Hill, his objection could potentially stall the licensing process or even cause the State Department to cancel the sale.

“Senator Cardin is right to put the brakes on this proposed sale of U.S. fire-arms to Turkey, for use by the President Erdogan’s bodyguards, right after the brutal March 16^th attack by this same security detail against peaceful protesters here in Washington, D.C.,” said Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) Executive Director Aram Suren Hamparian.

“This reckless sale should be cancelled and all arms sales or military aid to Turkey suspended until Erdogan has—at the very least—publicly apologized for the attack he ordered, waived immunity for those who beat American protectors, and ended his obstruction of justice for these crimes,” Hamparian added.

If the State Department were to proceed, issuing a formal notification to Capitol Hill that it intended to sign off on the sale, lawmakers would have 15 days to intervene. The State Department has already issued a series of statements condemning the attack and also had the Turkish Ambassador summoned. However, the department never mentioned the proposed gun sales in any public statement.

Republicans and Democrats in the House introduced a resolution last week condemning the attack and called for the security officials to be charged and prosecuted.

WASHINGTON—The Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) continues to press U.S. Congressional appropriators to ensure continued U.S. federal funding in the Fiscal Year 2018 foreign aid bill for the HALO Trust’s de-mining activity in the interior of the Republic of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabagh), with the aim of empowering this non-profit organization to complete its long-term project to clear the Republic’s villages and farmlands of mines and unexploded ordnance by 2020.

ANCA Chairman Raffi Hamparian recently met in Stepanakert with The HALO Trust’s Program Manager Ash Boddy

“Building upon nearly two decades of ANCA advocacy to clear Artsakh of landmines, we are, today, encouraged by growing grassroots support for the final phases of this life-saving initiative – as reflected in the efforts of thousands of activists from around the country who, on a daily basis, share the remarkable results of HALO Trust’s demining efforts with their Senators and Representatives,” remarked ANCA Communications Director Elizabeth Chouldjian.

“Much has been accomplished – many acres cleared, farms revitalized, and, most importantly, lives saved – but much more remains to be done, which is why we are so actively working with House and Senate appropriators to ensure that the Fiscal Year 2018 foreign aid bills include the necessary provisions to help meet the 2020 deadline to declare Artsakh—finally—landmine free,” she added.

ANCA Chairman Raffi Hamparian recently met with HALO Trust Program Manager Ash Boddy in Stepanakert to convey the ANCA’s support for the HALO Trust’s goal of a landmine-free Artsakh by 2020.

Since 1997, the ANCA has worked with Republican and Democratic-controlled houses of Congress to secure tens of millions of dollars in direct U.S. foreign aid for Artsakh. This bi-partisan work by the ANCA has met maternal healthcare needs, provided safe drinking water for families, and, according to HALO Trust, has, as of 2017, cleared 88 percent of known minefields across Artsakh.

Congressman Brad Sherman (D-Calif.)—then a new member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee—worked with the ANCA to lead the first legislative effort to secure direct U.S. aid to Artsakh in 1997, offering an amendment to the Foreign Policy Reform Act. While the Sherman Amendment would fail by a margin of 14 yeas to 23 nays, his initiative eventually led to a successful effort, later that year within the House Appropriations Committee, to approve a Foreign Aid bill (Public Law 105-118) that allocated $12 million in Fiscal Year 1998 aid for Artsakh, with additional funds appropriated and allocated in subsequent years.

For more information about the ANCA’s advocacy efforts in support of Artsakh assistance, or to take action in support of the full range of ANCA foreign aid priorities for Artsakh and Armenia, visit anca.org/aid.  Advocates who would like to ensure their voice is heard first by legislators on a broad range of Armenian American priorities can sign up to become ANCA Rapid Responders by visiting anca.org/rapid.

To learn more about The HALO Trust’s efforts in Artsakh, visit: https://www.halotrust.org/minefreenk/

YEREVAN (A.W.)—The Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) Supreme Council of Armenia confirmed on June 2 that Deputy Minister of Territorial Administration and Development of Armenia Arthur Khachatryan will replace Hovsep Simonyan as the Governor (Marzpet) of Shirak.

Arthur Khachatryan (Photo: AUA/Amatuni Photography)

Khachatryan has previously served as the Project Coordination of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Office in Yerevan (2002-2005), the Director of the  California Trade Office (2005-2008), Consulting Solutions Officer at Management Mix (2008-2010), Academic Dean of Management Faculty; Head of Finance and Accounting Chair of the French University in Armenia (2011-2013), Deputy Director of Operations and Head of Human Resources at Ardshininvestbank, and Director of Vivat Consulting (2011-2013, 2015-2016).

The province (marz) of Shirak is located in the north-west of Armenia, bordering Turkey in the west and Georgia in the north. Its capital and largest city is Gyumri.

BRUSSELS, Belgium (A.W.)— On May 30, a delegation of Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) representatives held meetings with the leadership of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats and the Party of European Socialists.

(L to R) Kaspar Karampetian, Giacomo Filibeck, Armen Rustamyan, and Giro Manoyan (Photo: EAFJD)

The ARF delegation, which was headed by ARF Bureau member and head of the party’s Parliamentary faction Armen Rustamyan, included ARF Bureau member Giro Manoyan and the President of the European Armenian Federation for Justice and Democracy (EAFJD) Kaspar Karampetian.

The first meeting was held in the European Parliament with the leadership of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats. Vice President of the Committee for Regional Development Victor Boştinaru (Romania), member of European Parliament and Committee of Foreign Affairs Knut Fleckenstein (Germany), and President of the Party of European Socialists Sergey Stanishov (Bulgaria) participated in the meeting.

Discussions during the meeting included the recent developments in Armenia as well as what the ARF expects and foresees. A decision was then made for further cooperation between the participating parties based on an agreement that was signed on July 6, 2016.

The second meeting was held at the Party of European Socialists headquarters with the current Deputy Secretary General of the Party of European Socialists Giacomo Filibeck.

Founded in 1992, the Party of European Socialists (PES) brings together the Socialist, Social Democratic, Labor and Democratic Parties from all over Europe and Norway. It currently has 33 full member parties and 13 associate and 12 observer parties. The ARF is holds the status of an observer party.

The PES is represented in all the European institutions by its member organizations and leaders. In the European Parliament, the PES is represented by the Progressive Alliance of the Socialists and Democrats. The PES is also represented at the European Commission. Currently, eight of the European commissioners belong to PES member parties including commission vice president and High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Federica Mogherini.

It has 191 members and is the only political group in the European Parliament with representatives from all 28 member states.

ANCA-WR and AYF-WR Welcome Passage of Assemblyman Adrin Nazarian’s Measure (AB 1597); Expand Efforts to Secure Calif. Senate Passage

SACRAMENTO, Calif.—With overwhelming bipartisan support, the California State Assembly adopted Assemblyman Adrin Nazarian’s measure (AB 1597)—a movement long championed by the Armenian National Committee of America Western Region (ANCA-WR) and Armenian Youth Federation Western Region (AYF-WR)—calling for the divestment of California public funds from Turkish government controlled financial instruments, ensuring taxpayer funds are no longer used in this manner to aid and abet Turkey’s century long obstruction of justice for the Armenian Genocide.

With overwhelming bipartisan support, the California State Assembly adopted Assemblyman Adrin Nazarian’s measure (AB 1597)—a movement long championed by the ANCA-WR and AYF-WR.

“I am humbled and grateful for my colleagues in the Assembly for joining with me to fight for justice for the 1.5 million Armenian souls who perished in the Genocide,” said Assemblyman Nazarian, the lead author of AB 1597. “If Turkey continues to fund Armenian Genocide deniers they must be financially punished.”

Assemblyman Nazarian opened State Assembly consideration of the measure, noting that: “The Republic of Turkey’s unwillingness to recognize the Genocide and their unrelenting campaign to deny the Genocide, continues to discriminate against Armenians, Greeks, Assyrians and many other ethnic minorities who suffered at the hands of the Turkish Ottoman Government.  California’s investment in Turkish government bonds indirectly subsidizes Turkish denial of the Genocide. This bill continues California’s commitment to act appropriately against countries that have a record of human rights violations and undermine democracy.”  Other legislators who spoke out on the measure during full floor consideration include Assemblymembers Rob Bonta, Matt Debabneh, Laura Friedman, Chris Holden, and Marc Levine.

Video from the California State Assembly consideration of AB 1597 is available below.

“We are truly grateful for the leadership shown by our 2016 Legislator of the Year, Assemblymember Adrin Nazarian, in introducing and guiding this unprecedented ‘Divest Turkey’ bill to a successful vote in the California State Assembly,” said ANCA-WR Chair Nora Hovsepian, Esq.  “We are also grateful to the thousands of California Armenians who heeded our Action Alert to call upon their elected representatives to support AB1597 and to the AYF for initiating this Divest Turkey movement by successfully securing resolutions from all nine campuses of the University of California and for working with us side by side to educate our elected representatives and to mobilize our grassroots.”

Hovsepian continued, noting, “As home to the largest Armenian community outside Armenia, it is time for California to stand firm against funding Turkey’s ongoing Genocide denial with California State pension investments and encouraging Turkey’s bad behavior on the world stage. We have been diligently working for many months in Sacramento informing and educating our legislators on this issue, and we look forward to a full enactment of this groundbreaking legislation as it goes to the Senate and then to the Governor. We remain committed to continuing to do all we can to accomplish this goal.”

ANCA-WR and AYF-WR leaders have been working closely with Assemblyman Nazarian and principal co-author Senator Scott Wilk since its introduction in Feb. 2017, with ANCA-WR Chief Legislative Consultant Haig Baghdassarian offering testimony at the initial policy hearing held by the Public Employee, Retirement and Social Security (PERSS) Committee on April 19.  ANCA-WR and AYF-WR led multiple grassroots advocacy trips to Sacramento advancing the measure, which encountered tough opposition from well-funded pro-Turkey lobbyists.  Throughout the Committee and full Assembly consideration process, thousands of Californians have reached out to legislators in support of the measure through the ANCA – WR’s action alert system.  The measure has also gotten broad support from U.S. Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.), a broad range of Calif. State legislators and grassroots coalition partners, including the American Hellenic Council and the Assyrian American Association of Southern California.

The AYF-WR welcomed California State Assembly of the measure, stating: “The passage of AB 1597 through the Assembly floor is an important step towards the State of California finally ending its financial complicity in one of the world’s largest purveyors of human rights violations, the Republic of Turkey, and its continued denial of justice for the Armenian Genocide. Beyond the unassailable ethical case to be made for divestment, it’s a financial mistake to risk half a billion dollars of California taxpayers and pension holders’ hard earned money in the failing economy of President Erdogan’s corrupt dictatorship, which has seen its currency devalued and credit ratings plummet since a failed military coup last summer. While the bill has many hurdles ahead of it, nothing will stop an idea whose time has come.”

AB 1597 prohibits the boards of the California Public Retirement System (CalPERS) and California State Teachers’ Retirement System (CalSTRS) from making additional or new investments, or renewing existing investments issued, owned, controlled, or managed by the government of Turkey.  The measure notes that CalPERS and CalSTRS must liquidate any of the investments within six months of the passage of a federal law imposing sanctions on Turkey.

Currently, CalPERS, and CalSTRS have invested more than $500 million in Turkish government-owned or controlled investment vehicles, predominantly in Turkish government bonds.

The Divest Turkey campaign started as a collaborative initiative in Dec. 2014 between the AYF-WR and Armenian students on local University of California campuses. The campaign calls international divestment of funds from the Republic of Turkey in any and all institutions in order to hold Turkey accountable for its continuing human rights violations toward Armenians, Kurds and other minorities in Turkey today, and for the yet unpunished crime of genocide against the Armenian people, as well as the Assyrian and Greek peoples.

At its inception, the Divest Turkey campaign’s first target was University of California’s $74 million investment in the Republic of Turkey’s government-issued bonds, one of the largest university systems in the world. To date, after a multiple-year, coordinated effort mobilizing AYF members and students up and down the coast of California, all nine UC campus schools—UCLA, Berkeley, Davis, Irvine, Merced, Riverside, San Diego, Santa Barbara and Santa Cruz—as well as the University of California Student Association have voted overwhelmingly to demand divestment from the Republic of Turkey, representing the will of a combined 238,000 students across the University of California. The campaign announced on March 14 that it will formally begin communications with the University of California Board of Regents Office in order to discuss the divestment of those funds.

California set the precedent by divesting from South Africa in 1986 in response to the government’s oppressive and discriminatory policy of Apartheid, leading the way for our federal government to follow suit and ending this reprehensible policy. More recently, California divested from Sudan due to its role in the genocide in Darfur. Now, all nine undergraduate student governments of the University of California passed resolutions calling on the Regents to divest from the Turkish Government.

WASHINGTON (A.W.)—Robert Mueller, the special counsel investigating the possible ties between U.S. President Donald Trump’s election campaign and Russia, will be expanding his probe to include a grand jury investigation into former national security adviser Michael Flynn, according to a Reuters report.

(L to R) Robert Mueller and Michael Flynn

Mueller’s investigation will now look into Flynn’s work as a lobbyist for Turkish businessman Ekim Alptekin in 2016.

Flynn, who was relieved of his duties by Trump in February, registered with the Justice Department as a foreign agent for $530,000 worth of lobbying work before Election Day. According to an Associated Pres report, some of the lobbying work may have aided the Turkish government.

Alptekin’s company paid Flynn’s consultancy the $530,000 to produce a documentary and research on Fethullah Gulen, an exiled Turkish cleric living in Pennsylvania. Turkish President Tayyip Recep Erdogan continues to blame Gulen for the failed July 2016 coup in Turkey.

Paperwork that was filed on March 7 with the Justice Department’s Foreign Agent Registration Unit stated that Flynn and his firm were voluntarily registering for lobbying from August to November that “could be construed to have principally benefited the Republic of Turkey.”

After Flynn’s firm’s work on behalf of a Turkish company was done, he agreed not to lobby for five years after leaving government service and never to represent foreign governments.

According to the Foreign Agent Registration Act, U.S. citizens who lobby on behalf of foreign government or political entities must disclose their work to the Justice Department. Purposely failing to register is a felony even though the Justice Department rarely files criminal cases with such cases.

Turkish businessman Ekim Alpetkin, whose Inovo BV company had hired Flynn’s consulting firm, told The Associated Press that the amended filings were done in response to the pressure from the Justice Department in recent weeks. He added that he disagreed with Flynn’s decision to file the registration documents.

Mueller’s move to take over the Virginia grand jury’s criminal investigation highlights his broad powers as special counsel.

The Armenian Weekly 2017 Magazine Dedicated to the 102nd Anniversary of the Armenian Genocide

Each year, as April rolls around and the 24th approaches, rarely do we stop and ask ourselves a simple question: Why do we still commemorate the Armenian Genocide?

A snippet from the cover of the 2017 Armenian Weekly magazine dedicated to the 102nd anniversary of the Armenian Genocide

Earlier this year, a troubling op-ed in a major American newspaper recommended that viewers of two recent films covering the time period of the genocide “look into the historical record” and “draw their own conclusions” regarding the slaughter of 1.5 million Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. The author held that neither movie was likely to settle “the debate over the events of World War I.”

The fact that one of the most widely read publications in the United States allowed for the genocide to be “debated” on its pages shows why remembering and reminding—and above all demanding justice for the Armenian Genocide—are so important 102 years later.

Ten years ago, the Armenian Weekly made the decision to publish an annual magazine issue dedicated to this Great Crime. Today, this magazine continues to gives space to the heroes of the Armenian Genocide (see Karakashian); to the stolen and confiscated sites (see Karanian, Ozpinar); and to the importance of teaching about genocides to future generations (see Rizopoulos, Sarkissian).

Armenians 102 years ago were scattered throughout the world, but were able to build communities and new lives in countries near and far (see Toghramadjian).

And, more than a century after the genocide began, Turkey’s denial of the Crime continues to spark controversy—even in Hollywood (see Babkenian and Diamadis)—and prompts descendants of survivors to demand justice (see Sonentz-Papazian) and to rethink our approach as a nation (see Theriault, Mensoian).

The Armenian Genocide may be a significant part of human history, but it surely is not stuck in the past.

Today, it is more relevant than ever.

Magazine Dedicated to the 102nd Anniversary of the Armenian Genocide

WATERTOWN, Mass. (A.W.)—The editorial staff of the Armenian Weekly is pleased to announce the release of the Armenian Weekly/Hairenik 2017 magazine dedicated to the 102nd anniversary of the Armenian Genocide.

The editorial staff of the Armenian Weekly is pleased to announce the release of the Armenian Weekly/Hairenik 2017 magazine dedicated to the 102nd anniversary of the Armenian Genocide.

The joint magazine is published in English and Armenian. The magazine’s English section is available here.

The Armenian Weekly would like to thank all of its contributors, donors, supporters, and readers for making the magazine issue a reality.

Why would an Australian author of Anglo-Scottish extraction create a fictional Armenian private eye? For novelist Stuart Campbell, former university Pro-Vice Chancellor and Professor of Linguistics, the answer is two-pronged.

The cover of the Cairo Mon Amour

Firstly, Campbell’s wife Sara is half-Armenian and half-British. Over the years, Campbell has met many of her diaspora family in Australia, France and the U.S., including at least one genocide survivor. “I vividly recall a family reunion in France trying to untangle who was whose cousin,” he says.

Secondly, the author made the unorthodox choice in 1971 of taking a degree in Arabic and Russian languages, which provoked an interest in the diaspora community in Egypt as well as the Armenian presence in the USSR.

In 1973, the couple travelled to Egypt where Stuart would study Arabic at Cairo University and Sara was reunited with her Armenian grandmother. Within weeks of their arrival, the Yom Kippur War broke out and the seeds of Stuart’s novel Cairo Mon Amour were planted.

However, it was not until four decades later that the concept took shape. “I wanted to write an espionage thriller built around the Egyptian plan to launch a surprise invasion of Sinai,” he says. “At the same time, I wanted to pay homage to the plight of the Armenians, who had been a deep and enduring interest for me since the seventies.”

Hence, Pierre Farag was born: Armenian mother, Coptic father, a man who lives in the shadows, working as a private eye and translator. Most of his relatives have left for Glendale or Sydney. He’s Butrous in Arabic and Bedros in Armenian, but goes by the name Pierre for reasons that he never reveals. Pierre’s Armenian identity acts as a vehicle for the Egyptian noir style Campbell has tried to create: “I drew on themes of themes of dislocation and loss to achieve this.”

In fact, Pierre has some basis in reality: “There was an Armenian man who visited my wife’s relative in Cairo. He wore a beret and dark glasses, and was said to have been in prison under Nasser. He never said much. Nobody in the family can remember him, and I wonder whether I imagined him. But he lives on in my novel.”

Coincidentally, the mid-point of writing the Cairo Mon Amour came in April 2015. “I happened to visit the Armenian Genocide Centenary Exhibition in Paris at the time,” Campbell says. “I was very much spurred on to complete the novel by the outpouring of international support for the centenary.”

Cairo Mon Amour will be published in London by Austin Macauley Publishers Ltd. in late June 2017. More information at www.cairomonamour.com.

Sources Close to the Surp Giragos Armenian Church Foundation Tell the Armenian Weekly that the News of the Scheduled Demolition is Not True

DIYARBAKIR, Turkey (A.W.)— Netherlands-based ANF News reported on June 4 that the historic Surp Sarkis Armenian Apostolic Church of Diyarbakir was slated for demolition, as a part of the state-sponsored project to demolish several buildings in the Alipaşa and Lalebey neighborhoods of Diyarbakır’s Sur district.

The ruins of the Surp Sarkis Church in 2013 (Photo: George Aghjayan)

In late May, it was reported that bulldozers began demolishing the city’s Church Square (Kilise Meydanı) upon the order of Turkey’s Ministry of Environment and Urbanization. Reports also indicated that local police attacked citizens trying to block the bulldozers in protest.

The exterior of the The Surp Sarkis Church in 2013 (Photo: George Aghjayan)

Surp Sarkis Armenian Apostolic Church, which was built in the 16^th century, became a main cathedral for the Armenian community, after the Ottoman confiscation of the largest Armenian Apostolic Church in the city—Saint Theodore (“Sourp Toros”)—and its conversion into a mosque (Kursunlu Cam).

Sources close to the Surp Giragos Armenian Church Foundation told the Armenian Weekly that the news of the scheduled demolition is not true. Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) Eastern United States Central Committee chair George Aghjayan, whose primary area of focus is the demographics and geography of Western Armenia, said that he too hopes the news is false. “It is my hope that the reports are inaccurate of the anticipated demolition of the Surp Sarkis Armenian Apostolic Church. I was fortunate enough to visit the Church in 2013 and its cultural and historical significance cannot be overstated,” Aghjayan said. “If true, any planned demolition should be immediately stopped,” he added.

Armenian Weekly contributor and member of the Surp Giragos Church reconstruction project Raffi Bedrosyan told the Armenian Weekly that if true, the planned demolition is yet another example of the Turkish government’s plans to erase all traces of the Armenian identity from the area. “Surp Sarkis, which looks like how Surp Giragos did before its reconstruction, was the site chosen to commemorate the Armenian Genocide Centennial in 2015. Whatever is left of the abandoned and destroyed Church, may now be slated for total demolition by the Ankara government. If true, this is another opportunistic move by the government to wipe out remaining traces of Armenian identity, whenever and wherever possible,” Bedrosyan said.

The exterior of the The Surp Sarkis Church in 2013 (Photo: George Aghjayan)

Until 1915, Surp Sarkis was known to preserve the nail used in the crucifixion of Jesus Christ—a relic brought out in solemn procession several times each year. The Church was pillaged in May 1915—during the Armenian Genocide—and was operated as a warehouse for most of the 20^th century. Most recently, it has been reported that the Church has been used as a refuge for homeless and the war-stricken locals.

PROSPECT, Penn. (A.W.)—They arrived by the bus loads: 350 members, 84 years of tradition, 15 chapters, nine lecturers, with one purpose.

The 2017 Armenian Youth Federation – Youth Organization of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation Eastern United States (AYF-YOARF) Junior Seminar took place May 26-29 at Camp Lutherlyn in Prospect. Year after year, the event hosts lectures and activities centered around a theme for organization’s Junior members. The theme this Memorial Day Weekend was “The Power of Purpose”—searching for it, harnessing it, perfecting it, and utilizing it to both contribute to and take from the Armenian community.

Seventy Juniors attend Junior Seminar for the first time thanks to a grant from the Armenian Youth Foundation. (Photo: AYF-YOARF)

On the first day of the event, members were checked into the camp by the Junior Seminar Committee (JSC) and the AYF-YOARF Central Executive (CE). Members received their folders with itineraries for the weekend along with their cabin placements. Each cabin was dedicated to a person or program with purpose, including the likes of Diana Apcar, System of a Down, the AYF Internship, and Camp Javakhk.

After settling into their cabins, the chapters had the opportunity to set up for the night activity. Each chapter created a display that was representative of their chapter’s uniqueness and their purpose in the community. The displays highlighted each chapter’s membership, accomplishments, and goals. Some of the many stand-out displays included D.C.’s Washington Monument, Providence’s Casserta’s Pizza sampling, Philly’s “Love” sign, and New Jersey’s 50s diner and photo booth. First-timer Naire Ohanian said, “I thought it was a great experience, and it was really fun and educating.”

AYF-YOARF members proudly hold up the ARF flag (Photo: AYF-YOARF)

The lectures began the following morning. Both Juniors and Seniors were immersed in lectures and engaged in activities that highlighted “The Power of Purpose.” The lecture series included the following topics: The Power of Community Service (ungerouhi Maral Abrahamian), of Writing (unger Ara Khachatourian), of Music (Ara Dinkjian), of Education (unger Ken Sarajian), of Science (unger Anthony Deese), of Film (Taleen Babayan), of Sports (Kevork Ourfalian), of Hai Tahd (unger. Raffi Killian), and of the Armenian Community (ungerouhi Tereza Yerimyan). Each lecture examined its topic generally and then more specifically with an Armenian lens. The lecturers spoke about how their passions, careers, and purpose helped them contribute to the Armenian community and also how the Armenian community has propelled them in their lives.

Unger Raffi Killian lecturing on the Power of Hai Tahd (Photo: AYF-YOARF)

“My favorite [lecture] was the sports one. I liked hearing about [Armenian soccer star Henrikh] Mkhitaryan and [Armenian-American Olympian] Houry Gebeshian and what they changed in the Armenian world,” said first-time attendee Aren Bandazian.

Another first-timer, Sarkis Ziebari, explained, “My favorite lecture was the Power of Writing. Writing helps us to write about the Armenian Cause and to share it with other kids around the world.”

The Juniors and Seniors walked away from each lecture with a better understanding of how the Armenian community and the AYF acts as a pool of resources to both give to and to take from.

Juniors enjoying a game of basketball (Photo: AYF-YOARF)

This year’s Leaders in Training (LIT) program consisted of 24 17-year-old AYF members and was directed by unger Raffi Hovagimian and ungerouhi Kenar Charchaflian. The program focused on qualities of a leader and the AYF structure, and allowed each LIT to apply their learned skills throughout the weekend. The LIT program is always a highlight in every AYF member’s career. This year’s program was well received by the young ungers who will soon be leading the AYF-YOARF.

Saturday evening’s activity consisted of stations around the camp where members walked from station to station completing tasks and games aligned with the theme. This year’s LIT group led each station by giving direction, providing support as the groups worked, and orchestrating the transitions between stations. By the end of the night, each Junior had the opportunity to learn a new dance, create a campaign poster, construct a tower, send a secret message in Morse Code, compete in a three-legged race, experiment with oobleck, write a thank you card to someone in their community, show off their music knowledge, examine a recipe, and play a round of AYF Pictionary.

Members receiving their certificates for completing the Leaders in Training program (Photo: AYF-YOARF)

The following day, lectures continued. During free time, the Central Athletic Committee (CAC) organized basketball games and members sported track numbers for the upcoming Junior Athletic Games (JAG – June 16-18) and Midwest Junior Olympics (July 14-16). “I played hard and learned a lot at Seminar,” first-timer Lilit Estepanian said.

May 28 marked the 99th anniversary of the first Republic of Armenia. In honor of the celebratory day, all members made their way up to the large cross on the campground. There, unger Alex Ourfalian gave his closing remarks on behalf of JSC thanking everyone for attending and urging them to continuously search for purpose in life and in the Armenian community. Unger Garo Tashian spoke on behalf of CE reminding all members of their obligation to find their purpose in life and to give back to the Armenian community. Unger Ara Khachatourian then gave a moving speech highlighting the power and potential of the youth, reminding them that they hold the answers to the future. The events at the large cross concluded with 350 voices proudly singing Sardarabad on Armenia’s first Independence Day as a a thank you to the past and a promise for the future.

Charged by the weekend, members spent the entire night dancing to the music of ungers Shant Massoyan, Shant Alexanian, Alek Surenian, and Junior member unger Datev Gevorkian. Regardless of the rain, 350 Juniors and Seniors danced the Tamzara, the Pampouri, and the Haleh. Juniors Hasmig Krikorian, Arek Ourlian, Mariana Alexanian, and Hagop Alajajian won the Central Junior Committee’s (CJC) essay contest and received an AYF Camp Haiastan Campership. The essay prompt required members to write about their purpose in the AYF and the AYF’s purpose in the community. The evening ended with members arm in arm singing Armenian patriotic songs and proudly waving the Armenian, Artsakh, and ARF flags.

Early Monday morning, members said their goodbyes and rode home with members of their chapters.

AYF Junior Seminar is a representation of all the greatest AYF has to offer. (Photo: AYF-YOARF)

“I thought that the weekend was fun and the lectures were interesting. I would go again because I saw all my friends from Camp Haiastan and made new friends. I learned that there are many ways to help my chapter. I would strongly recommend that other Juniors go to Seminar,” Nishan Shamilian from the Philadelphia Papken Suni Chapter noted. Shamilian, along with 70 other first time attendees, were able to go to Seminar for free this year, thanks to a grant from the Armenian Youth Foundation.

Armen Ohanian, another first-timer, described the weekend as, “…a great experience. I would attend again because I learned so much and had fun.” Armen’s brother and fellow first timer Arek noted, “My purpose in the AYF is to explore the Armenian culture and how I can change or help it to be better.”

The weekend was a success, and acted as a reminder of one of the AYF’s purposes: unity. (Photo: AYF-YOARF)

The weekend was a success, and acted as a reminder of one of the AYF’s purposes: unity. AYF Junior Seminar is a representation of all the greatest AYF has to offer. It is an opportunity to enjoy the present and plan for the future with friends who share the past. It is fun, it is thought provoking, it is purposeful, and sadly, it is now behind us—that is, only until next year!

ANKARA, Turkey (A.W.)— German Foreign Minister Sigmar Gabriel announced on June 5 that Germany will pull its forces out of the Incirlik air force base in Turkey, despite negotiations in the Turkish capital with Turkish Foreign Ministry Mevlut Cavusoglu. The negotiations, which were aimed to defuse the diplomatic dispute between the two countries, fell through according to Gabriel, who made the announcement during a joint press conference with Cavusoglu.

Germany’s Foreign Minister Sigmar Gabriel

“We have to respect that Turkey for domestic political reasons cannot approve visits. But then you know the opinion of the German parliament which will now in the very near future make reference to that part of the mandate which says that, if visits aren’t possible, the German government will have to look for another location,” Gabriel was quoted as saying by Europe-based Euronews news outlet.

The diplomatic dispute between Germany and Turkey escalated after German Parliamentarians were refused access to the air force base. Currently, Germany has more than 250 military personnel stationed at Incirlik. They have been responsible for operating reconnaissance and refueling flights as part of the international mission against ISIS/Daesh.

Although Turkey has refused German Members of Parliament (MP) to access to Incirlik, it has granted them access to base in Konya. “German MPs can visit the Konya base. There is no problem to visit Konya where we have a NATO base. And we are working on the technical details. At the moment there is no decision for Incirlik,” Cavusoglu said at the press conference, according to Euronews.

In a May 17 interview, the German Foreign Minister criticized Turkey’s decision to block a German delegation from visiting Bundeswehr (The unified armed forces of Germany) soldiers stationed at Turkey’s Incirlik base. “[If] the German Parliament is to be blackmailed, then the limit of tolerance has been reached,” Gabriel told German newspaper Neue Osnabrücker Zeitung.

In that interview, Gabriel noted that if cooperation regarding the situation is no longer possible, then Germany would consider other options including Kuwait, Cyprus, and Jordan. According to Deutsche Welle, Turkey’s was allegedly in response to the German government’s decision in early May to grant asylum to Turkish military personnel.

The German newspaper Bild reported on May 16 that two more high-ranking members of Turkey’s military applied for asylum at the international airport in Frankfurt. Bild added that these two men were Turkish generals who were involved in last July’s failed military coup.

Relations between Turkey and Germany have grown increasingly tense over the last few months and worsened during Turkey’s referendum campaign on expanding Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s powers. Turkish Ministers who were campaigning for the support of expanding powers for Erdogan were prohibited from holding rallies in Germany.

Last year, Ankara blocked German Parliamentarians from visiting the Incirlik airbase after the Bundestag passed a resolution recognizing the Armenian Genocide.

Mayram Artinian

Artinian, Maryam. Survived by her husband of 61 years Missak Artinian. Beloved Mother of Setrak and Marina (Chamchyan) Artinian, Haroutiun and Maral (Hovsepian) Artinian, Vasken Artinian, Dr. Zareh & Emma (Artinian) Soghomonian. Beloved Grandmother of Missak Artinian,Sean and Rita (Artinian) Christopher, Gariné Artinian, Raffi Artinian, Alex Artinian and Simon Soghomonian.

Beloved Sister of Elizabeth, Vartouhi and Sona and predeceased brothers Thomas, Nerses, Missak, and Avedis and predeceased parents Setrak and Mary Tikoyan.

Funeral Service: June 8 at 11 a.m. at Soorp Khatch Armenian Apostolic Church 4906 Flint Drive, Bethesda, Md. 20816. Interment: Fairfax Memorial Funeral Home 9900 Braddock Road, Fairfax, Va. 22032. Memorial Luncheon: Brion’s Grille 10621 Braddock Rd, Fairfax, Va. 22032.

In Lieu of Flowers donations may be made to: Soorp Khatch Armenian Apostolic Church http://www.soorpkhatchchurch.org.

The Der Hayr and the Board of Trustees of the Soorp Khatch Armenian Apostolic Church extend their condolences to the family and ask faithful parishioners of the Soorp Khatch Armenian Churchto pray for the soul of the newly departed Mayram Artinian.

Strong Bipartisan Backing for June 6 Vote on H.Res.354

WASHINGTON—The U.S. House of Representatives is set to condemn the May 16 attack by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s bodyguards against peaceful protesters in Washington D.C., through a bipartisan resolution “calling for the perpetrators to be brought to justice and measures to be taken to prevent similar incidents in the future,” reported the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA).

The U.S. House of Representatives is set to condemn the May 16 attack by Turkish President Erdogan’s bodyguards against peaceful protesters in Washington D.C.

H.Res.354, spearheaded by House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Ed Royce (R-Calif.), Ranking Democrat Eliot Engel (D-N.Y.), House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) and Democratic Whip Steny Hoyer (D-Md.), was adopted unanimously by the House Foreign Affairs Committee on May 25th. The measure has received the public backing of House Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wis.).

The House is set to discuss H.Res.354 on the afternoon of June 6 with a vote on the matter scheduled after 6:30 p.m. EST.

“We are pleased to see H.Res.354 scheduled for a floor vote and are eager to see Members speak and vote in favor of this broadly backed, bipartisan condemnation of President Erdogan’s ongoing attempts to export his intolerance and aggression to American shores,” said ANCA Executive Director Aram Hamparian.  “We call on the Administration to undertake each of the measures called for in H.Res.354 and, in addition, to expel Turkey’s Ambassador, cancel the pending small arms sale to Turkey, and suspend any and all bilateral military aid or arms deals until Ankara has stopped obstructing justice – and started reckoning honestly – regarding its brutal May 16th attack.”

The resolution condemns the violence against peaceful protesters outside the Turkish Ambassador’s residence on May 16, 2017, and calls for “the perpetrators to be brought to justice and measures to be taken to prevent similar incidents in the future.”

The full text of the resolution is provided below.

The vote follows broad-based Congressional outrage expressed by over 100 Senate and House members through public statements, social media, and a series of Congressional letters.

ANCA Executive Director Aram Hamparian was videotaping live at the scene of the May 16 attack, which took place in front of the Turkish Ambassador’s residence where President Erdogan was scheduled to have a closed-door meeting with representatives of The Atlantic Council, a leading think tank in Washington, D.C. which receives funding from Turkey. Hamparian’s video showed pro-Erdogan forces crossing a police line and beating peaceful protesters—elderly men and several women—who were on the ground bleeding during most of the attack.  Hamparian testified before a May 25 Foreign Affairs Subcommittee hearing on this matter.  Joining him at the hearing were Ms. Lusik Usoyan, Founder and President of the Ezidi Relief Fund; Mr. Murat Yusa, a local businessman and protest organizer; and Ms. Ruth Wedgwood, Edward B. Burling Professor of International Law and Diplomacy, at Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies.  Usoyan and Yusa were victims of the brutal assault on May 16 by President Erdogan’s bodyguards.

ANCA live footage of the attack served as source video for CNN, AP, The Washington Post, The New York Times, The Daily Caller and other major media, transforming the violent incident into a global spotlight on Erdogan’s attempt to export his intolerance and aggression to American shores.

The Sunday, June 4 edition of The New York Times featured a two-page center-spread investigative report on the May 16th attack, with online version of the coverage translated to Turkish and shared widely on social media. The ANCA is cited by The New York Times as a source for this report.

The New York Times coverage is available here: https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2017/05/26/us/turkey-protesters-attack-video-analysis.html

The May 16 protest in front of the Turkish Ambassador’s residence was a continuation of a demonstration held earlier in the day in front of the White House, co-hosted by the ANCA. As President Trump met with President Erdogan, human rights and religious rights groups were joined by representatives of the Kurdish, Yezidi and Armenian communities to call attention to the Erdogan regime’s escalating repression against free press, the Kurdish and other ethnic communities, as well as Turkey’s ongoing obstruction of justice for the Armenian Genocide.

***

Text of Resolution H.Res.354

Condemning the violence against peaceful protesters outside the Turkish Ambassador’s residence on May 16, 2017, and calling for the perpetrators to be brought to justice and measures to be taken to prevent similar incidents in the future.

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Mr. ROYCE of California (for himself, Mr. ENGEL, Mr. MCCARTHY, and Mr. HOYER) submitted the following resolution; which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs

RESOLUTION

Condemning the violence against peaceful protesters outside the Turkish Ambassador’s residence on May 16, 2017, and calling for the perpetrators to be brought to justice and measures to be taken to prevent similar incidents in the future.

Whereas on May 16, 2017, President Donald J. Trump hosted President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey, a longstanding NATO ally, for an official meeting at the White House to discuss counter-terrorism cooperation and bilateral issues;

Whereas on the evening of May 16, 2017, over two dozen protesters gathered outside of the Turkish Ambassador’s residence in Washington, D.C., to demonstrate opposition to Turkish Government policies;

Whereas after hours of peaceful protest, violence erupted when pro-Erdogan supporters and individuals from the Turkish Embassy grounds pushed past District of Columbia police officers to brutally attack the demonstrators;

Whereas those Turkish officials blatantly suppressed the First Amendment rights of United States citizens, and multiple armed Turkish security officials beat, kicked, and choked unarmed demonstrators;

Whereas multiple video recordings of the violence and reports by the Metropolitan Police Department of the District of Columbia and the Department of State confirm that the demonstrators did not instigate the violence;

Whereas at least 11 individuals were seriously injured in the ensuing brawl, with two individuals requiring immediate hospitalization;

Whereas two armed Turkish security officers attached to a security detail were detained at the scene for physically assaulting Federal agents;

Whereas those two Turkish security officers were later re- leased and subsequently allowed to leave the United States because they held Derived Head of State immunity;

Whereas the Department of State did not request that Turkey waive the immunity for these two security officers in order to fully investigate the assault prior to their being released from custody;

Whereas a joint criminal investigation into the incident is on- going with the combined efforts of the Washington Metropolitan Police Department, the United States Secret Service, and the Department of State Diplomatic Security Service;

Whereas at no point was President Erdogan in danger;

Whereas immunity for diplomatic personnel and certain other foreign officials is a core principle, as is the right to pro- test peacefully and freely in the United States;

Whereas this is the third instance of violence perpetrated by members of Turkish President Erdogan’s security detail in United States territory;

Whereas in 2011, a brawl erupted in the halls of the United Nations General Assembly between members of Turkish President Erdogan’s security detail and United Nations security officers, resulting in one United Nations security officer being hospitalized due to serious injuries;

Whereas in 2016, members of Turkish President Erdogan’s security detail engaged in unwarranted violence against journalists reporting on an event at the Brookings Institution;

Whereas Secretary of State Rex Tillerson said on May 21, 2017, that the violence outside the Turkish Embassy was ‘‘outrageous’’ and ‘‘simply unacceptable’’; and

Whereas the right to assembly, peaceful protest, and freedom of speech are essential and protected rights in the United States: Now, therefore, be it

Resolved, That it is the sense of the House of Representatives that—

(1) the rights to peacefully assemble and freely express one’s views are essential to the fabric of

American democracy;

(2) the Turkish security forces acted in an un-professional and brutal manner, reflecting poorly on President Erdogan and the Government of Turkey;

(3) any Turkish security officials who directed, oversaw, or participated in efforts by Turkish security forces to illegally suppress peaceful protests on May 16, 2017, should be charged and prosecuted under United States law;

(4) the United States Secret Service and the Diplomatic Security Service of the Department of State should review this incident and confirm with the Turkish National Police the standards expected by visiting security details to prevent future violent incidents;

(5) the Department of State should immediately request the waiver of immunity of any Turkish security detail official engaged in assault in the United States prior to release of that individual from custody;

(6) the Department of State should conduct a review of its own security procedures to determine how to mitigate the likelihood of such an event in the future;

(7) the United States’ respect for free speech requires officials of the United States to speak out against such incidents; and

(8) the United States should take steps to strengthen freedoms for the press and civil society in countries such as Turkey, and combat efforts by foreign leaders to suppress free and peaceful protest in their own countries.

Last week, we disclosed the improper enrichment of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey by receiving a $25 million oil tanker as a gift from an Azerbaijani billionaire. This week, we expose the Prime Minister of Turkey, Binali Yildirim, who turns out to be just as corrupt as his boss.

Prime Minister of Turkey Binali Yildirim (Photo: kremlin.ru)

Craig Shaw and Zeynep Sentek revealed in their article posted on the website theblacksea.eu, based on a report by the European Investigative Collaborations’ (EIC) Malta Files, that the Yildirim family owns shipping and other foreign assets worth $140 million.

In 2009, when Yildirim was Minister of Transport and Maritime, he told a gathering of large ship owners in Istanbul: “From now on any Turkish businesses owning ships, yachts or sea vessels that flew foreign flags would be ‘treated with suspicion’ by the government.” Yildirim gave the ship owners three months to change the registration of their vessels. Yildirim added, “Now they have no excuse. If they insist on not changing to the Turkish flag, we don’t see that [they have any] good intentions.” The Minister was apparently promoting the creation of a strong, national shipping fleet which would pay taxes to Turkey.

Ironically, sitting just a few feet away from Yildirim during the speech was his 30-year-old son Erkam who was “the registered owner of at least one general cargo ship called the ‘City,’ through the family’s offshore company in the Netherlands Antilles. This freighter flew not the Turkish flag, but that of the Dutch Caribbean Islands,” according to EIC investigators.

Since then, EIC reported the Yildirim family owned 11 foreign-flagged ships registered “in a network of secretive companies in Malta, the Netherlands, and the Netherlands Antilles — specifically now Curacao, with more suspected in the Marshall Islands and Panama.”

In addition, theblacksea.eu revealed that “Yildirim’s son, daughter, uncle and nephews have purchased seven properties in the Netherlands, worth over $2.5 million — all of which were paid in cash.”

Yildirim started his career in shipping in 1994 when he managed Istanbul’s Fast Ferries Company (IDO), owned by the city. However, he was fired in 2000 over revelations he awarded a contract to manage the ferries’ canteens to his uncle, Yilmaz Erence,” according to Shaw and Sentek.

Yilmaz is the same uncle who registered the Turkish company, Tulip Maritime Limited, in Malta in 1998. Yilamz’s partners were: “Salih Zeki Cakir, a known ship-owner who briefly employed Yildirim, Ahmet Ergun, President Erdogan’s advisor from his days as Istanbul Mayor, as well as a former MP [Member of Parliament] and high court judge, Abbas Gokce,” according to Shaw and Sentek.

The Black Sea and EIC reported that six of the 11 ships owned by the Yildirim family—“worth between 1.9 million and 33 million Euro — appear to have been bought without any bank loans. If so, this suggests an enormous cache of funds exists in the Dutch operation, despite on paper being a money-losing business.”

On June 9, 2016, two weeks after President Erdogan appointed Yildirim as Prime Minister, he acquired four new shipping companies registered in Malta. The director of these companies is Suleyman Vural, Yildirim’s nephew. Two of these companies, linked to a business in Istanbul, were set up in 2015 by uncle Yilmaz and his son, Rifat Emrah Erence.

Yildirim’s son, Erkam, also owns extensive businesses in the Netherlands, including “modest properties and expensive ships,” according to Shaw and Sentek. EIC reported that the Yildirim family owns a company called Castillo Real Estate BV, based in Almere, the Netherlands, where houses a dental clinic in a building owned by the son of the Prime Minister. Next door to the dentist are the offices of Castillo Real Estate and Zealand Shipping — two of the family’s major companies.

In addition to these two buildings, Castillo owns four properties in the Netherlands: an apartment building in Schoonhoven, two houses in Utrecht, and a shoemaker’s shop in The Hague. These six properties, valued over 2.16 million euros, were all paid in cash. A seventh property in Almere was purchased personally by Erkam for Zealand Shipping’s manager.

The Yildirim family’s biggest assets in the Netherlands—worth $129.8 million—were established in 2007 by Erkam under the name of Zealand Shipping until 2014, when it was bought by Holland Investments Cooperatif UA, also owned by Erkam. In addition, the Yildirim family “owns 30% of Q-Shipping BV based in Barendrecht. The partner in this venture is Abdulvahit Simsek, a Turkish businessman who shares an office with the Yildirims in Istanbul…. Q-shipping BV and its subsidiaries manage 20 ships—none of which sail under a Turkish flag,” according to Shaw and Sentek.

Until a year ago, New Zealand Shipping owned 10 ships flying the Dutch flag, two of which were sold to “a Turkish conglomerate close to the Erdogan government, Kolin Group,” according to Shaw and Sentek. They summarize the “Foreign Wealth of the Turkish Prime Minister’s Family” as follows:

• 18 ships (Dutch conglomerates, fully or partly owned)
• 1 ship (Netherlands Antilles company)
• 4 Malta companies
• 7 properties in the Netherlands
• 8 ships in the Netherlands
• 3 ships in Malta
  • Total estimated assets: $140 million.

Shaw and Sentek conclude their article by noting that “after Turkey’s constitutional referendum which granted President Erdogan the power to destroy the Prime Ministry in two years, Yildirim’s tenure at the top is coming to an end. But in the nearly 20 years since he ‘transferred his businesses’ to his children, they have created a soft cushion for him to land upon when he leaves politics for good!”

YEREVAN— The 14^th annual Golden Apricot International Film Festival will take place in Armenia’s capital July 9-16.

Festival representatives joined Armenian Minister of Culture and representatives of festival partner VivaCell-MTS on June 5 to announce details about the upcoming installment of the festival.

The press conference opened with the presentation of the festival’s official poster. The apricot-shaped geometric figure (Cuboctahedron) symbolizes the 14th edition of the festival.

The speakers at the press conference, the Minister of Culture of Armenia Armen Amiryan, VivaCell-MTS General Manager Ralph Yirikian, Golden Apricot Founding Director Harutyun Khachatryan, Programs Director Mikayel Stamboltsyan, and Artistic Director Susanna Harutyunyan, reflected on the importance of the long-term cooperation, and presented some of this year’s programs. In particular, they announced the names of international jury members, as well as the titles of the opening and the closing films.

This year the festival received about 1,100 film submissions from 96 countries.

More than hundred films were included in the competition and non-competition programs.

“There are events, which leave an invaluable mark on the public life—they shape minds, create opportunities to bolster the country’s reputation, and to educate generation. I won’t be mistaken if I say the Golden Apricot Film Festival is one of those events in Armenia. It shapes a system of values, uses the language of the art to raise problems, and to sow seeds of beauty and vigor. It has been the visit card of Armenia for 14 years in a row. I am proud of our cooperation and of the festival’s achievements for all these years,” said VivaCell-MTS General Manager Ralph Yirikian.

International Jury Boards

International Feature Competition

Hugh Hudson, Director (United Kingdom)

Ciro Guerra, Director (Colombia)

Aleksey Fedorchenko,  Director (Russia)

Ildiko Enyedi,  Director (Hungary)

International Documentary Competition

Eugene Corr, Director (USA)

Tom Fassaert, Director (The Netherlands)

Michelangelo Messina, Festival Director (Italy )

Grigor Harutyunyan, Director (Armenia)

Mimi Gjorgovska, Cinemateque Director (Macedonia)

Armenian Panorama National Competition

Maryam d’Abo, Actress (United Kingdom)

David Safarian, Director (Armenia)

Yadwiga Nowakowska, Director (Poland)

Gaga Chkheidze, Festival Director (Georgia)

Jens Geiger, Programer (Germany)

Opening Film

Khasphush (1927), Hamo Beknazaryan

This year marks the 90th anniversary of the film.

Khaspush is about the Persian revolutionary movement of the peasants and townspeople against the dominance of the English tobacco monopoly. This film is not only the first Armenian historical-revolutionary film, but also the first to depict Persians in world cinema.

Closing Film

Intent to Destroy (2017), Joe Berlinger

Armenian Genocide documentary Intent to Destroy was premiere at Tribeca Film Fest. Joe Berlinger meets with historians and scholars to discuss the Armenian Genocide and the continuing denial by the Turkish government.

Film screenings will be accompanied by workshops and master-classes.

BELMONT, Mass. (The Belmontonian)—Her first name means “sweet” in Armenian and in the state finals of the multi-event pentathlon held June 1, Belmont High junior track star Anoush Krafian strung together a quintet of top-flight results that produced the sweetest of outcomes—a Massachusetts state championship.

Krafian at the 2016 AYF Olympics (Photo: Tamar Kanarian)

At Bridgewater State University, the long-time standout track performer – she still co-holds the state middle school high jump record—beat her rivals and destroying the previous five-event top mark set last year by a whopping 215 points as she posted 3,243 points. Fellow Junior Natalie Marshall of Newton North (3,195 points) and Tewksbury High Senior Lauren Polimeno (3,184) finished second and third while the defending champion, Hopkinton junior Caitlyn Halloran, came in fourth.

Krafian’s total is the fifth-best mark set by a high school athlete in the U.S. so far this outdoor season.

The 11th-grader was leading the competition after four events with the championship on the line with Krafian facing her most challenging event, the 800 meters. Tewksbury’s Polimeno and Halloran of Hopkinton (who defeated Krafian in the Division 3 championships last week) were expected to complete the race in about 2 minutes and 20 seconds, more than 18 seconds in front of the Belmont track star’s best time of 2:38.37 set last week, a gap that could have seen Krafian fall from first to third – or worse.

But Krafian came through spectacularly, setting a new personal record by eight seconds, 2:30.07, negating Polimeno (2:19.96) and Halloran (2:20.60) own best times over the distance.

In addition to the 800, Krafian also achieved her best marks in the shot put (26 feet 5.5-inches), and high jumped over five feet (5-feet, 3.25 inches) while long jumping 16 feet, 5.75 inches.

Krafian started the day in her best event, the 100-meter hurdles, finishing first in 15.04 second, obliterating the old mark by nearly a full second while garnering 836 points, the highest individual event total by any athlete on Thursday.

Krafian will be seeking more state championships this weekend. On Saturday, she will return to Bridgewater to compete in the individual long jump and the 100 hurdles where she is a co-favorite with senior Madelyn Sessler of Plymouth South and Kristen Hohenstein of Chelmsford.

Krafian—a member of the Armenian Youth Federation – Youth Organization of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (AYF-YORF) Greater Boston “Nejdeh” chapter—is currently in contention for the most outstanding performance award at the all-state championships. Voting is currently open at http://ma.milesplit.com/articles/213924-vote-for-best-girls-performances-at-all-states#pd_a_9762062.

OTTAWA, Canada—A special screening of the Armenian Genocide-era Hollywood epic, The Promise took place on Parliament Hill on June 5.

The special event, which was organized by the Canada-Armenia Parliamentary Friendship Group and the Armenian National Committee of Canada (ANCC), was attended by a significant number of Parliamentarians, Senators, parliamentary staffers, and civil servants.

ANCC Members with Ambassador Yeganian and executive members of the Canada-Armenia Parliamentary Friendship Group (Photo: Mike’s Photo/ANCC)

Brief introductory remarks were delivered by ANCC member, Mr. Manoug Alemian, during which he thanked Member of Parliament (MP) Arnold Chan and members of the Canada-Armenia Parliamentary Friendship Group for their steadfast support and cordial commitment to the advancement of issues concerning the Armenian-Canadian community.

After viewing the film, members had the opportunity to share their comments, views and impressions about the movie, which first premiered at the Toronto International Film Festival last September.

Following the screening, MP Arnold Chan, chair of the Canada-Armenia Parliamentary Friendship Group and Dr. Vatche Chamlian, Vice-Chair of the ANCC National Board addressed the gathering to thank the attendees for their support and to stress the importance of supporting movies that aim to reveal the truth about historical atrocities such as the Armenian Genocide.

Set during the waning days of the Ottoman Turkish Empire, The Promise tells the story of a love triangle sparked between an Armenian medical student, Michael (Oscar Issac), Anna (Charlotte Le Bon), and renowned American photojournalist Chris Myers (Christian Bale). The First World War and the Armenian Genocide of the 1915-1923 form the historical backdrop of an epic story of love, loyalty and survival.

Canada is one of the many countries that has officially recognized the Armenian Genocide on all levels of Government. Furthermore, on April 24, 2015, on the centennial of the Armenian Genocide, the Canadian House of Commons unanimously passed a motion, declaring the month of April as Genocide Remembrance and Condemnation month.

The ANCC is the largest and the most influential Canadian-Armenian grassroots human rights organization. Working in coordination with a network of offices, chapters, and supporters throughout Canada and affiliated organizations around the world, the ANCC actively advances the concerns of the Canadian-Armenian community on a broad range of issues and works to eliminate abuses of human rights throughout Canada and the world.